SURULERE 2027: Desmond Elliot & His Fourth Term Agenda Challenge

Desmond & his contenders.

For those who follow Lagos politics, the last two months have been particularly brutal for Hon. Desmond Olusola Elliot, the Nollywood star-turned-lawmaker representing Surulere Constituency 1. The Surulere Accountability Forum, SAF, went public on April 1, 2026, to “reject Mr Desmond Elliot’s bid for a fourth term”. Spokesman Olanrewaju Badmus said Elliot’s three terms are “marred by dismal performance, weak policy innovation and failure to address local needs proactively”.

SAF - made up of community leaders, youth groups, small-business reps, and CSOs - says it assessed his record and found “few constituency projects and limited legislative impact”. Their line is now the anthem of Surulere politics: “Three terms should have produced clear, measurable progress. Instead, we have experienced stagnation, recycled ideas, and little evidence of policy leadership that responds to Surulere’s evolving challenges”.

Some residents were quoted to have asked: “What are his accomplishments as a member of the state House of Assembly representing Surulere 1? He only reaps the benefits of Rt. Hon. Femi Gbajabiamila’s outstanding work in Surulere”. A social media influencer, Sheriffdeen Ojon Omo Eko, added: “Without the Chief of Staff to the President’s influence, a third term may not have been possible, given the lack of notable accomplishments after over 11 years”.

Yet on April 15, APC members marched from Teslim Balogun Stadium through Shitta Roundabout, asking the party to adopt Elliot as “consensus candidate for 2027”. The party is split. The question isn’t whether he wants a fourth term. It’s whether Surulere and Lagos APC will give it to him.

THE RECORD: WHAT DESMOND ELLIOT HAS DONE IN SURULERE CONSTITUENCY 1

Health & Welfare

Elliot ran a health insurance scheme that covered 1,000 constituents — 250 per quarter — drawn from 43 CDAs in Surulere 1. His office stated that “residents selected from the 43 CDAs in the area will enjoy free health care courtesy of my office”. In partnership with ARD-LUTH, he delivered a free medical outreach that handled 46 surgeries including cataract, fibroid, hernia, and lipoma, plus Hepatitis screening, BP checks, eye tests, and 2,000 reading glasses. Each surgery was valued at N500,000 to N1 million. His “DOE support for Widows” gave cash, bags of grains, and food to 500 widows, and he announced scholarships for children of deceased widows. He also enrolled 400 senior citizens and 100 youths in health insurance.

Economic Empowerment

He gave out five LAGRIDE cars with initial payment made so beneficiaries could pay the balance while operating as cabs. He also distributed 200 POS machines to residents.

Education/Transport

He donated a “free ride to school” bus for children in Surulere 1. On Instagram, he wrote: “In saying thank you to God and the good people of Surulere, I am honoured to bring the first ‘free ride to school’ bus for children around Surulere”.

Infrastructure: Direct Interventions

In March 2023, nine days before the election, he donated eight high-capacity transformers to communities in Surulere 1. Critics called it “a very thoughtful farewell package”.

There is no public record of Elliot personally constructing, commissioning, or facilitating roads, drainages, or streetlights inside Surulere 1. Most roads, mini stadiums, ICT centres, and schools commissioned in Surulere between 2019 and 2025 — Ashimowo Bakare Street, Oshogbo Street, Sanya Road, Omilani Road, Elizabeth Fowler Memorial, Subuola, Methodist, Ansarudeen, Community Grammar School ICT centres — were facilitated by Rt. Hon. Femi Gbajabiamila as Speaker/Reps member for Surulere 1 Federal Constituency.

Legislative Work: Bills & Motions

Elliot was elected on April 11, 2015, with 15,357 votes. Re-elected in 2019 and 2023, winning 17,877 votes in 2023 against the Labour Party’s 7,822. He chairs the House Committee on Works and Infrastructure. The published record of personally sponsored bills or motions is sparse. His most public Assembly moment was in October 2020 during #EndSARS when a viral clip showed him criticising social media influencers, saying “if the Nigerian state doesn't stop social media, social media will destroy the Nigerian state”. Nigerians accused him of pushing an anti-social media bill. He denied it: “No State House of Assembly has the jurisdiction to pass any bill like this… It simply lies on the exclusive list on the federal level”. He said he only asked celebrities “to cut down on the hate narrative”. The episode birthed “na Desmond Elliot cause am”.

DOES HE DESERVE A FOURTH TERM?

Surulere is weighing scale against time. The health insurance for 1,000 people, 46 surgeries, 500 widows supported, 8 transformers, LAGRIDE cars, POS machines, and one school bus are real interventions for poor residents. Yet for a constituency with 134,939 registered voters in 2019, SAF argues this is “minimal” and “retail”, not structural change. Surulere 1 sends a lawmaker to make laws for Lagos, but SAF cannot point to a Lagos State law bearing Desmond Elliot’s name or a Surulere-specific resolution that shifted state policy. His committee work is oversight, not legislation, which is why SAF calls his record “limited legislative impact”.

The infrastructure question is sharper. Gbajabiamila commissioned 137 projects as Speaker — 120+ roads, 6 mini stadiums, hospitals, schools, and ICT centres — all in Surulere. Elliot attended many as Works Chair, but SAF charges that “he only reaps the benefits of Mr Femi Gbajabiamila’s outstanding work”. Residents ask whether Elliot can name one major road in Surulere 1 that he attracted without Gbaja.

Furthermore, his political provenance is another problematic issue. He got the ticket in 2015 over Kabir Lawal, who “had political history in Surulere”. Elliot “had no political history in Surulere, no visible presence in the community”. Residents say: “We voted for Desmond Elliot because of pleas from Gbajabiamila”. If Gbaja withdraws support, the question is whether Elliot has an independent base.

SAF’s final point is renewal. “Leadership must remain accountable, renewable, and reflective of the evolving aspirations of the people”. After 11 years, voters are asking not “what did he do” but “what can’t someone else do better”. Lagos APC’s new promise to give “special considerations to female aspirants who have strong grassroots followership” adds institutional pressure.

WHY STAKEHOLDERS ARE OPPOSING

The opposition to Elliot’s fourth-term bid rests on five interlocking arguments that keep coming up across Surulere. The first is a performance deficit. SAF describes his 11 years as “dismal performance, weak policy innovation, failure to proactively address local needs”, and points to infrastructure decay, youth unemployment, and inadequate primary healthcare as proof that the ward-by-ward impact is thin.

The second is the imposition of legacy. He entered the Assembly in 2015 after Gbajabiamila’s intervention handed him the ticket over Kabir Lawal, who had a local political base while Elliot had none. Residents say “Surulere has paid the price for that decision for 11 years” because the seat went to a newcomer with Nollywood fame rather than a grassroots operator.

The third charge is Gbajabiamila’s shadow. Sheriffdeen Ojon Omo Eko - a social media influencer - put it bluntly on his Facebook page: “Without the Chief of Staff to the President’s influence, a third term may not have been possible”. SAF insists Elliot’s political survival has depended on Gbaja’s umbrella, not on an independent structure that can stand election pressure.

The fourth is the renewal principle. SAF keeps repeating that “leadership must remain accountable, renewable, and reflective of the evolving aspirations of the people”, and argues that three terms are enough for any one individual in a democracy.

The fifth is gender equity pressure from inside the party itself. Lagos APC has publicly said it will give “special considerations to female aspirants who have strong grassroots followership”, and two women with federal and state access are now in the race for Surulere 1. Together, these five charges form the case that SAF is taking to Gbajabiamila and the GAC: that continuing with Elliot amounts to “deliberate sabotage of the APC in Surulere” and a disregard for what the constituency is asking for.

THE OPPONENTS: WHO WANTS HIS SEAT

Khadijat Kareem Omotayo

Tinubu’s Personal Assistant on Constituency Affairs. Job: “Bridging the gap between government and its citizens and promoting the Renewed Hope Agenda”. Residents cite her “accessibility in times of crisis” and claim she has “paid several medical bills of distressed residents”. Strong grassroots support in Surulere 1.

Hon. Barakat Odunuga Bakare, 40

Sanwo-Olu’s SA on Housing until, she resigned to contest. Former Councillor and Leader of the Legislative arm, Surulere LG. “Instrumental to the passing of over 25 by-laws which the residents enjoy till this day”. Strong women-group backing. Insiders allege she has Gbajabiamila’s support as a “strong replacement if and eventually Elliot fails to get the party’s nod”.

Oladipo Rilwan Jaji

“Suave young politician” once seen as Elliot’s “biggest rival”. Lower profile now that two female aspirants with federal/state access are in.

CAN HE WIN? THE FOURTH-TERM PERMUTATION

If Chief of Staff Gbajabiamila tells GAC “Elliot is my candidate”, delegates will comply and he will get the ticket. The general election then becomes risky: Labour was competitive in 2023, and if SAF stays hostile, ADC, LP and PDP will campaign on “12 years, no roads”. APC would rely on Tinubu’s name and federal might to carry Surulere. That is the first scenario, and it depends entirely on Gbaja spending political capital.

The second scenario is the most likely in Lagos APC politics: a negotiated exit. Gbaja tells Elliot to step down, gives him a federal board or agency appointment, and endorses Barakat or Khadijat. SAF claims victory, APC avoids a Surulere revolt, and the party keeps the seat with a fresh face.

The third scenario is an open primary. If Gbaja stays neutral, delegates choose between an 11-year incumbent and two women with current access to Tinubu and Sanwo-Olu. Gender policy, “fresh energy”, and SAF mobilisation would make it hard for Elliot. Comments under his own project video already read: “But you can’t be there forever, let someone else try”. His chances therefore hang on one calculation: how much political capital Gbajabiamila is willing to spend to keep him. Without Gbaja, the delegate math and street sentiment both tilt against a fourth term.

Desmond Elliot’s fourth-term chance is now a referendum on godfatherism, incumbency fatigue, and whether Surulere Constituency 1 belongs to Gbajabiamila or to itself. If he gets the ticket, it will be because Gbaja said so. If he doesn’t, it will be because Surulere said “enough”.

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